By Adam Kuper
A severe and ancient account of British social anthropology from the mid-nineteenth century to the current day, excellent for the scholar.
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Additional info for Anthropology and anthropologists: the modern British school
15–18). —and from the whole argument of the thesis that they very much include “ideas” in some sense, and so cannot possibly be defined in any simple way as mind-independent. The essential point is that social things, even as ideas, are will-independent. 34). If “things” in the form of our beliefs are resistant to change at will, it is to the will not just of political personages but of ourselves, individually and collectively. Why? A basic reason concerns Durkheim’s appeal, like Montesquieu, to a society’s essential nature and rationale—the logic of the laws.
2:1–58). But let us stress a number of things here. The conscience collective always very much involves strong convictions and beliefs, including strong sentiments of morals. These are always felt with an obligatory force. In The division of labour they are conceived as shared beliefs, “common to the whole society” and existing in the collective bit of everyone’s consciousness, as against diverse, personal beliefs existing in the individual bit, so that there are “two consciousnesses in us” ([1893b] 1902b:74; 105).
29). And to achieve these things he wants, through the occupational group, the fraternity of interlinking, solidary, moral milieux. 26–31). 378–84, 389–92). 95–109). 245–7). 218–19). What do we find in earlier work? A general theoretical basis is of course laid in the emphasis on the “real man”, the need for particular relationships, and the modern dynamic of the division of labour and the human ideal. It has also been noted how the review of Schaeffle sees corporatist reform as the way to escape an oppressive, class-divided society and an oppressive, “despotic” state.
Anthropology and anthropologists: the modern British school by Adam Kuper