By Alejandro de la Fuente
After thirty years of anticolonial fight opposed to Spain and 4 years of army career via the USA, Cuba officially grew to become an autonomous republic in 1902. The nationalist coalition that fought for Cuba's freedom, a move during which blacks and mulattoes have been good represented, had estimated an egalitarian and inclusive country--a country for all, as Jos? Mart? defined it. yet did the Cuban republic, and later the Cuban revolution, stay as much as those expectancies? Tracing the formation and reformulation of nationalist ideologies, executive regulations, and varied sorts of social and political mobilization in republican and postrevolutionary Cuba, Alejandro de los angeles Fuente explores the possibilities and obstacles that Afro-Cubans skilled in such components as activity entry, schooling, and political illustration. hard assumptions of either underlying racism and racial democracy, he contends that racism and antiracism coexisted inside of Cuban nationalism and, in flip, Cuban society. This coexistence has continued to at the present time, regardless of major efforts by means of the innovative executive to enhance the lot of the negative and construct a country that used to be really for all.
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Additional info for A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba)
By the 1950s, the label sepia was also occasionally used, in what seemed to be an e√ort to further avoid referring to someone as negro. Felipe Elosegui popularized this term in his column ‘‘1000 noticias en sepia’’ (1,000 News in Sepia), published by El Tiempo. Furthermore, by this time a ﬁnal move was made toward erasing Cuba’s racial diversity. ≤Ω What neither the elite interpretation of the national discourse nor the deliberate obscurity of racial labels could hide was that for a signiﬁcant sector of the Cuban population life chances remained tied to African ancestry.
They did not dispute the legitimacy of the nationalist principle of racial democracy, but they treated racial equality as an achievement of the war for independence, not as a goal requiring further social and political action— a conquest rather than a program. The result was an interpretation of Cuban nationalism that denied or minimized the existence of a ‘‘race problem,’’ avoided or condemned its public discussion as an a√ront to the nation, and contributed to maintaining the status quo. This conservative interpretation of the nationalist ideology, linked to the dominant political parties and elite political actors, lingered on through the republic.
The racist repression against the pic in 1912 became politically viable precisely because a racially deﬁned political party was not compatible with the dominant discourse of a racially inclusive Cubanness. Based on this interpretation of Cubanness, the organization of the party was easily construed as a ‘‘racist’’ act—the Independientes could be accused of having placed race above national identity. introduction : 13 This environment proscribed as un-Cuban any attempt at racially based mobilization, but it also made the construction of a legally deﬁned racial order a political impossibility.
A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba) by Alejandro de la Fuente